Question: ANSWER THE QUESTIONS FOR CHAPTER 7 AND 8 CHAPTER 7 and 8 READING BELOW. No less than 7-10 lines long for chapter assigned; CHAPTER must

ANSWER THE QUESTIONS FOR CHAPTER 7 AND 8

CHAPTER 7 and 8 READING BELOW. No less than 7-10 lines long for chapter assigned; CHAPTER must be discussed. Required readings MUST BE used AND referred/INCLUDED IN THE ANSWERS to the source

Chapter 7

If selective incapacitation and gross incapacitation do not reduce serious crimes, what actions can be taken to decrease such crimes? Is it necessarily CJ factors and answers that can help? Are there other social institutions that can impact the crime rate? How so?

While the text provides some examples, a fundamental question should surround how incarcerations impact families and communities. Discussion should encompass personal responsibilities and economics.

Chapter 8

Determine if there are special courts that handle certain cases (i.e., drug, domestic violence, mental health, etc) locally. Determine if specialty units, even when faced with the evidence in the text, can provide more for the victim and/or offender and provide support for their stance.

Debate the use of mental institutions or prisons/jails as confinement facilities for those who have mental health issues. Where do students believe those persons should carry out their criminal sentence? Why?

As both banning plea bargains and reforming plea negotiations result in speed and efficiency of cases, which option is more fiscally responsible? Support should be provided.

Given the finality of the death penalty, should those persons on death row be allowed to exhaust all possible appeals or should they be limited in the number of appeals to file? support your opinion (e.g., economics, time and effort of the courts, attempt to decrease frivolousness, the majority are guilty - factually and legally, etc). If applicable, determine the state's stance on death row appeals.

Chapter 7

Lock 'Em Up

Learning Objectives

GETTING CRIMINALS OFF THE STREET

Identify incarceration proposals as liberal or conservative

List the incarceration strategies noted in the chapter

Describe the events leading up to the two bail reform movements as well as the backlash resulting from them

Compare and contrast the impact of the Washington D.C. preventive detention law with the Federal Bail Reform Act

Defend the argument that defendants out on bail are not a danger to society

Explain the role the prediction problem plays in preventive detention by discussing pretrial drug testing and the natural experiment

Appraise the argument that speedy trial is a good way to reduce both crime on bail and FTAs

THE PHILOSOPHY OF INCAPACITATION

Define incapacitation and differentiate it from other goals of punishment

Define and differentiate between the selective and gross incapacitation

Explain the process used by Zedlewski to reach his conclusion that incarceration saves money

Critique Zedlewski's findings regarding the cost savings from incarceration

Identify the various costs of overimprisonment

MANDATORY SENTENCING

Define mandatory sentencing and provide specific examples of it

"THE NATION'S TOUGHEST DRUG LAW"

Describe the Rockefeller Drug Law and its purpose

Discuss the immediate and long term impact of the law

Explain how mandatory sentencing laws are affected by the criminal justice law of thermodynamics

THE FEDERAL SENTENCING GUIDELINES

Describe the impact of Federal Sentencing Guidelines and mandatory sentencing

THREE STRIKESWE ARE ALL OUT

Summarize three-strikes sentencing laws and their related variations

Discuss the extent with which states use their three-strikes sentencing laws

Defend the argument that three-strikes laws are ineffective at reducing serious crime

JUST KEEP THEM AWAY FROM US: SEX REGISTRATION AND NOTIFICATION LAWS

Describe Megan's law, the rationale for it and the impact that it has had

Discuss the reoffending rate of sex offenders and why registration and notification laws do not protect society

Discuss the problems associated with the current registration and notification requirements

Outline

GETTING CRIMINALS OFF THE STREET

In 2009, the harsh and punitive sentences that fell under New York's 1973 Rockefeller Drug Law, which served as the model for similar sentences in the U.S, were either eliminated or scaled back

The incarceration of offenders has been argues by conservatives as an effective policy in reducing crime, while liberals have posited that the practice has resulted in various consequences (e.g., costs, fund diversion, racial disparities, and prison overcrowding)

Locking up offenders and keeping them locked up is a main conservative crime control strategy

"Lock 'em up" proposals include preventive detention, incapacitation and mandatory sentencing

These strategies seek to limit the discretion of judges, because they are too lenient and American policies encourage not locking people up

Preventive Detention

Conservatives believe people on bail commit a lot of crime

Preventive detention raises the constitutional question of whether the Eighth Amendment prohibits detention for the purpose of preventing crime and the empirical question of whether preventive detention will reduce serious crime

In United States v. Salerno (1984) the Supreme Court ruled there is no right to bail and preventive detention is legitimate

A Short History of Bail Reform

Preventive detention is a backlash against the first bail reform movement of the 1960s that found defendants who could not afford bail were more like to be convicted and imprisoned

Current data support earlier findings that pretrial detention increases the likelihood that one will be convicted of a felony and incarcerated

In order to correct these problems bail reform in the form of release on recognizance (ROR) was directed by federal and adopted by state courts

Bail reform reduced the percentage of people in jail awaiting trial, but did not eliminate discrimination against the unemployed or the practice of keeping defendants in jail by setting high bail

Seriousness and prior record influence pretrial decisions

The bail reform movement coincided with the rise in serious crime between the sixties and seventies and led conservatives to argue bail reform contributed to the rising crime rate

A backlash involved publicly supported preventive detention laws

An Early Test: Preventive Detention in Washington, D.C.

In 1970 a D.C. law allowed a judge to hold a defendant charged with a violent or dangerous crime for 60 days if they had been convicted of a crime in the last 10 years, a narcotics addict or on pretrial release, probation or parole

The law was hardly ever used

Federal prosecutors exercised their discretion not to use the law because they continued to set high bail as a method of pretrial detention

The practice of setting high bail for purposes of detention continues today

The 1984 Federal Bail Reform Act

This act allowed judges to detain a defendant without bail to assure the safety of the community and its extensive use has increased the number of detained defendants, especially for drug offenses

The overall detention rate did not increase, because the law gave judges the legal authority to do what they had previously done covertly

None of the studies has evaluated the impact of preventive detention on overall crime rates, but only a small percentage of defendants were rearrested on bail both before and after the Federal Bail Reform Act

Crime on Bail: Myths and Realities

Defendants on bail can fail by failing to appear at a scheduled court hearing (FTA) or by committing a crime

Defendants on bail do not commit that much crime

Few defendants intentionally flee and become fugitives from justice

The Prediction Problem Revisited

The point of preventive detention is to detain only those defendants likely to commit crime on bail

Predicting Dangerousness: Pretrial Drug Testing

People believe testing arrestees for drug use would be a reliable method of predicting the likelihood they will commit a crime on bail, but pretrial drug testing did not predict rearrests, except for heroin use

Cocaine use was a predictor of FTAs; the best predictor of rearrest was the number of prior arrests

A Natural Experiment

A New York law authorizing preventive detention of juveniles who posed a "serious risk" produced a natural experiment, because an appeal later found the law to be unconstitutional

Judges ordered some juveniles detained which allowed for an examination of the accuracy of their predictions

Judges were reasonably accurate in their predictions (excluding predicting violent behavior), but had a high rate of false positives

The goal of policy reform is to make marginal improvement, but the use of an actuarial method for making preventive detention decisions would have translated to five false positives for every true positive

This led Fagan and Guggenheim to conclude the accuracy of prediction remains questionable and preventive detention is unjustified due its costs and limited marginal gains

Proposition 20: Preventive detention will not reduce serious crime

Speedy Trial: A Better Way

Speedy trial is a good way to prevent crime on bail and FTA because many rearrests occur within a short time following pretrial release

Unfortunately, speedy trial laws have been evaded by courtroom work groups

Proposition 21: Speedy trials can reduce crime while preserving constitutional rights

THE PHILOSOPHY OF INCAPACITATION

Incapacitation seeks to reduce crime by keeping offenders off the street, without trying to deter or rehabilitate them

Selective incapacitation is designed to lock up only the few high-rate offenders or career criminals

Gross incapacitation involves locking up large numbers of offenders regardless of their criminal histories

Selective Incapacitation: The Rand Formula

Selective incapacitation was hot in the 1970s and 1980s

In a 1982 study by Peter Greenwood and Rand, it was estimated that a selective incapacitation strategy could reduce crime while reducing the prison population

The Rand sentencing proposal was based on the Rand Inmate Survey (RIS) which estimated controversial annual offending rates

The Rand system suffered from the prediction problem as well as the problem of estimating annual offending rates because averages are inflated by extremely high rates for the worst offenders

The Rand prediction scale used employment history as a criterion for sentencing with as much weight as a prior conviction

The political obstacle facing Rand was that the idea of not imprisoning low-risk and medium-risk offenders was what corrections experts were advocating as far back as the 1960s

Proposition 22: Selective Incapacitation is not a realistic strategy for reducing serious crime

Gross Incapacitation: Zedlewski's New Math

Selective incapacitation has been ignored and gross incapacitation has been adopted and is the main reason the prison population has soared

Zedlewski reported that for every dollar spent on prison $17 is saved in social costs, although his methodology was seriously flawed by using one of the highest estimates of 187 crimes per year, thus deliberately misrepresenting the facts

He did not account for the problem of diminishing returns where locking people up skims off high rate offenders, leads to incarceration of less serious offenders and gives us lower returns in crime reduction and dollar savings

His estimate of dollar savings is flawed because a reduction in crime does not produce a direct reduction in CJS costs

The most devastating attack were his estimates of crime reduction; using the highest average offending rates means crime would have been eliminated

Offenders don't average 187 crimes a year and while some offenders are incarcerated, others replace them (known as the replacement factor)

Incapacitation: A Sober Estimate

Zimring and Hawkins used a sophisticated model to conclude that each incarceration prevented 3.5 crimes per year in CA; Locking up 115,000 people would reduce the crime rate by 15%

Zimring and Hawkins concluded it was not clear that incapacitation was the primary cause of the drop in crime, due to some unexpected data trends

A cross-state comparison of changes in incarceration rates and crime rates showed no clear patterned relationship

Crime declined in the 1990s, but we've been on an imprisonment binge for 25 years. You can't claim success for a prescription that failed for 19 years and then suddenly appeared to work in the twentieth year.

Proposition 23: Gross incapacitation does not reduce serious crime

Collateral Damage: The Cost of Overimprisonment

Prison overcrowding

Directly contributes to the resource crisis

Inability to Provide Treatment Alternatives

Imprisonment diverts funds from drug courts and other treatment initiatives that are more effective

High Prison Medical Expenses

Longer terms, overcrowding and risky behaviors in prison result in various medical expenses associated with elderly inmates, communicable diseases, HIV and Hepatitis C

Crowding Out Other Social Needs

Mass imprisonment has diverted funds from education

Between 1987-2007, states increased spending on prison 127%, while spending on education increased only 21%

Racial and Ethnic Discrimination

People of color represent two-thirds of the prisoners serving life sentences, and 90% of the NY inmates convicted under the Rockefeller Drug laws

Destructive Social Effects

Gross incapacitation impacts families (e.g., child support), communities and democracy itself (e.g., the right to vote)

MANDATORY SENTENCING

All states had some form of mandatory sentence by 1994 that typically apply to certain offenses

Leading conservative crime control strategy and is operationalized in two ways: mandatory imprisonment fo certain crimes and mandatory minimums prison sentences

Its popularity can be explained by the celebrated case syndrome

"THE NATION'S TOUGHEST DRUG LAW"

1973 New York law (known as the Rockefeller Drug Law) was designed to incapacitate and deter future use through mandatory and long prison terms, restrictions on plea bargaining and mandatory prison terms

Three categories of offenders were major, middle-level and minor dealers

The law attempted to prevent the abuse of plea bargaining

Enormous slippage or leakage occurred between arrest and conviction that actually resulted in decreased indictment and conviction rates

The law did not completely fail in its objectives; for those convicted, the rate of incarceration increased, however almost half evaded mandatory sentencing provisions

The slippage or leakage is explained by the CJ law of thermodynamics

An increase in the severity of the potential punishment results in

pressure to avoid its actual application

Much slippage involved CJ officials adapting to the harsh terms of the law

Slippage can also occur after sentencing as more offenders sentenced for longer terms results in overcrowding and the response is to release prisoners early

Finally, the law had no significant effect on crime or drug use

The Long Term-Impact - and the 2009 Reform

Rockefeller Drug laws resulted in a dramatic increase in the number of people sent to prison on drug charges; primarily impacting lower-level offenders, minorities, and resulting in prison overcrowding

The 2009 reform reduced the penalties

Eliminating mandatory sentences for lower level drug offenses

Expanding treatment and alternative options to incarceration

Allowed for resentencing of some currently imprisoned offenders

THE FEDERAL SENTENCING GUIDELINES

Implemented in 1987, the guidelines included several mandatory sentencing provisions that have contributed to the increase in the federal prison population

There is mixed evidence on the compliance of prosecutors and judges

Less than half of offenders eligible for mandatory minimums are receiving them and defendants are allowed to avoid them through plea bargaining

Through prosecutorial discretion mandatory sentences are not necessarily mandatory in practice which makes them more arbitrary

The Growth of Life Sentences

By 2008, 1 in 11 inmates were serving a life term

The harsher sentences encourage prosecutorial discretion to avoid them

Public pressure for getting tough has affected pardons and commutations for those ith life sentences

Life terms are disproportionate to the risk of reoffending; recidivism decreases with age

Life terms aggravate the costs of dealing with elderly inmates

Mandatory Sentencing and Crime

1996 report found no correlation between incarceration rates and crime rates

Proposition 24: Mandatory sentencing is not an effective means of reducing serious crime

THREE STRIKESWE ARE ALL OUT

Three strikes is the most popular idea in mandatory sentencing; it generally calls for a mandatory life prison sentence for anyone convicted of a third felony

State laws vary considerable in terms of strikable offenses and second strikes

The idea has been almost universally condemned by criminologists and other sentencing experts

It is criticized for not focusing on serious repeat offenders

It is actually not new as most states had repeat offender laws for decades, though they were rarely used

Implementation

Besides CA and GA states have not used their three-strikes laws, so they have become plea bargaining tools

Impact on Crime

CA law was more punitive and far-reaching as it applied for any felony

The law sent a lot of people to prison for long terms, but did not send as many as had been expected because it was not implemented in most counties

The law weighed most heavily on less serious non-violent offenses and compounded racial disparities as more African Americans received it

The law did not produce a reduction in crime and would have only had a modest impact if it was fully implemented

Summary: Striking Out

Classic example of overreaction to celebrated case

Crude policy that sweeps nondangerous criminals rather than a precise instrument that locks up dangerous repeat offenders

Laws are not consistently implemented so they are arbitrary

They upset the going rate and impose new costs on the CJS

There is no clear evidence that these laws will reduce serious crime

Old repeat offender laws failed to distinguish among seriousness (gravity), repetitiveness (prior record or criminal career), intensity (rate of annual offending), and dangerousness (assessment of harm the offender might do in the community)

Proposition 25: Three strikes and you're out laws are a terrible crime policy

JUST KEEP THEM AWAY FROM US: SEX REGISTRATION AND NOTIFICATION LAWS

All 50 states have Megan's Laws designed to control sex offenders through registration and community notification

An expansion of the categories of sex offenders required to register was established with the Adam Walsh Act of 2006

Advocates believe sex offenders pose a high risk of reoffending and registration will assist law enforcement in surveillance and arrest and notification will allow residents to take protective measures

Less than one-third of sex offenders recidivate, demonstrating that reoffending by sex offenders is greatly exaggerated

Research shows parolees convicted of rape have lower rearrest rates than for all felons combined as well as lower than robbers and burglars

Data suggests registration and notification do not protect the public from the real potential offenders, given the majority of victims know their offender

The Celebrated Case Syndrome Again

There are a number of problems that exist with current registration and notification laws for sex offenders

Overbreadth: The laws cover a vast amount of persons who are not truly dangerous offenders (e.g., public order offenses, consensual sex, prostitution, and childish pranks, such as playing doctor); additionally there is overbreadth in the amount of time people are required to register with 17 states requiring lifetime registration

Residency Restrictions: The restrictions limit where sex offenders can live and are considered the harshest and most arbitrary

Enforcement Problems

Given the overbreadth, law enforcement cannot keep track of all sex offenders

The restrictions drive the offenders underground and separate offenders from family

Notification hinders the readjustment to society (e.g., difficulty finding housing and employment, generating threats and harassment, and creating an atmosphere of social ostracism)

Registration, restriction and notification interfere with effective treatment for sex offenders

Failure to Protect Society

Offenders are likely to recidivate if they travel far from their current living location

Most offenders meet their victims through social networking sites, not as strangers on the street

Are There Effective Treatment Programs?

Cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) has shown promising, however its success depends on offender's cooperation

Proposition 26: Sex offender registration, notification, and residency restrictions laws are not effective in preventing repeat sex crimes, and in certain respects inhibit effective control and treatment of offender

CONCLUSION

Lock 'em up strategies appear to be simple and effective but they are not simple in practice

We can't precisely identify the small group of high-rate offenders

Gross incapacitation policies create problems for the CJS

Because of such problems the courtroom work group tends to evade extremely punitive laws

No conclusive evidence indicates locking people up will reduce crime

It is not clear that even if they reduced crime that they would be worth the enormous financial investment

Key Terms

United States v. Salerno: A 1984 Supreme Court ruling that there is no right to bail and that preventive detention is a legitimate regulatory measure

ROR: An innovative bail reform measure which allowed a defendant to be released without any financial consideration

Incapacitation: A crime policy that seeks to reduce crime by keeping criminals off the street without trying to rehabilitate or deter them

Selective Incapacitation: Is designed to lock up only the few high-rate offenders or career criminals

Gross Incapacitation: Involves locking up large numbers of offenders regardless of their criminal histories

Average Annual Offending Rate: The rate at which an average offender (or high-rate offender) commits in a given year

Mandatory Sentencing: An incapacitation strategy that takes the form of mandatory imprisonment for a certain crime and/or a mandatory minimum prison term

Slippage or Leakage: A process explained by the criminal justice law of thermodynamics where CJ professionals evade the implementation of a new law or policy that results in more people escaping conviction and punishment than was intended

Three Strikes: Is form of mandatory sentencing that generally calls for a mandatory life prison sentence for anyone convicted of a third felony, but many variations (such as second-strike provisions) exist

Megan's Law: A federal law requiring sex offenders who are released to the community to register with state officials

Chapter 8

Close the Loopholes

Learning Objectives

PROSECUTE THE CAREER CRIMINALS

Compare and contrast horizontal and vertical prosecution

Discuss the research findings that compare special prosecution units and traditional prosecutions

Describe the effects of the San Diego Major Violator Unit and explain why these effects occurred

Defend the argument that special prosecution units do not result in any better or worse results than traditional prosecutions

ABOLISH THE INSANITY DEFENSE

Explain how the Hinckley case distorted public opinion about the insanity defense

Defend the argument that defendants who successfully use the insanity defense are not beating the rap

Explain the dangerousness of the criminally insane

Evaluate the use and effectiveness and impact of the insanity defense, specifically NGRI and GBMI

Construct and defend an argument regarding abolishing the insanity defense that includes the important role of mens rea

ABOLISH OR REFORM PLEA BARGAINING?

Differentiate between conservative and liberal views of plea bargaining

Appraise the effects of Alaska's plea bargaining ban

Explain the plea bargaining reforms made in King County and its impact on overall case handling

RESTRICT APPEALS

List the ways in which appeals are thought to undermine criminal justice administration according to conservatives

Explain the Habeus Corpus Act and the impact of the Fay v. Noia decision on Habeus Corpus proceedings

Defend the argument that limiting appeals will not reduce serious crime

Outline

PROSECUTE THE CAREER CRIMINALS

Conservatives believe that many dangerous criminals beat the system and escape punishment through loopholes in the system

To make sure dangerous criminals are punished, prosecutors have created major offender or career criminal prosecution programs

Horizontal prosecution passes a case along from one prosecutor/group of prosecutors to another prosecutor/group of prosecutors as the case makes its way from initial filing and arraignment to trial and plea bargaining

Vertical prosecution involves one prosecutor throughout the trial process (charges, trial/plea bargains) and has a number of advantages

Close involvement from start to end allows for inclusion of all relevant details

Due to involvement in the case and with victims, there is less likelihood of negotiating lesser charges

Crime victims deal with only one prosecutor

Prosecutor specializes in certain areas (e.g., sex crimes, gun crimes)

Continuity eliminates disparities

Does a Special Prosecutorial Unit Make a Difference?

Comparing Two Cities

Comparison research of one site with a special prosecutorial unit - vertical prosecution - (Kansas City, MO) and one without - horizontal prosecution - (Miami, FL) demonstrated that in both offices the strength of evidence and the likelihood of conviction shaped decisions; no loophole existed to allow for offenders to slip through and escape charges

The San Diego Major Violator Unit

The San Diego Major Violator Unit involved a program with continuity of prosecution targeting robbery and special cases of robbery-related homicide

The program also restricted charge bargains

The program had only a modest impact on conviction rates and rates of inmates sentenced to prison, because prosecutors were already tough

The program increased the percentage of convicted offenders sent to prison, because the category included split sentences

Public misunderstanding about split sentences contributes to perceptions of the system as lenient, but offenders are not beating the system

Length of incarceration increased during the program, but it was rising across the country so some increase would have occurred without it

The evaluation did not measure the impact of the program on the crime rate, but small changes in conviction and incarceration suggest minimal impact

The overall findings on prosecution of career criminals demonstrate

The CJS is tough on repeat offenders

The patterns of prosecution and sentencing show the going rate agreed by the local courtroom workgroup

Proposition 27: Special prosecution units do not produce either higher conviction rates or lower crime rates

ABOLISH THE INSANITY DEFENSE

John W. Hinckley

Hinckley's acquittal in the attempted assassination of President Ronald Reagan in 1981 sparked a national outcry and changes in laws on the insanity defense

People were outraged over Hinckley's verdict of not guilty by reason of insanity which made people think guilty people beat the rap and get off due to technicalities, though Hinckley was and remains institutionalized

In one public opinion survey 87% of respondents felt the insanity defense was a loophole and 40% called it a rich person's defense

The conservative response is to close the loophole and there are six ways to do so; abolish the insanity defense, change the test of insanity, shift the burden of proof to the defendant, create new guilty but mentally ill verdict, revise trial procedure for raising an insanity plea, changing procedures for committing a person found NGRI

Sorting Out the Issues

The issues include the extent the insanity defense is used, the fate of those who win acquittal, predicting dangerousness and the effect of abolishing the insanity defense

The Reality of the Insanity Defense

The insanity defense is very rarely used successfully (less than 1% of all indictments) though polls have found that people believed 40% of all criminal defendants use it and half of them wanted it abolished

Therefore, closing the loophole would not impact crime and it wouldn't impact robbery and burglary since the defense is most often raised in murder cases

Successful use of the insanity defense occurs in as a result of plea bargaining or stipulated finding agreed to by the courtroom workgroup

Another myth about the insanity defense is that dangerous people use it; those who do use the insanity defense have serious mental health issues and slipped through many safety nets

Aftermath of Acquittal

Liberals claim people committed to mental institutions after winning NGRI verdicts spend more time in mental hospitals than they would have in prison

Mentally ill people used to be hospitalized for years, but the case of Baxstrom v. Herold (1966) necessitated procedures for continued confinement

For all crimes except murder, persons hospitalized after being found NGRI still spend more time confined in hospitals than comparable offenders found guilty spend in prison

A study attempting to determine whether defendants found incompetent to stand trial "beat the rap" found they spent an average of two years in prison prior to conviction; the system is not turning dangerous psychotics loose

Danger to the Community

The forced release of criminal defendants created a natural experiment testing the dangerousness of the criminally insane. A total of 14.5% appeared to be dangerous and recidivism rates for persons acquitted by reason of insanity was no greater than of felons

This data translates into six false positives for each true positive, so prediction is still a problem

The Impact of Abolition

Abolishing the insanity defense presents complex legal problems around the issue of innocent until proven guilty, guilty beyond a reasonable doubt and the establishment of actus reus, mens rea and a connection between the two

The key issue with the insanity defense is the different degrees of intent

Some people are recognized as lacking full criminal intent because they do not understand what they are doing

M'Naughton case established the right wrong test in 1843 and alternatives such as the irresistible impulse test have been created since then

Attempts to abolish the insanity defense could be interpreted to mean an abolishment of the mens rea requirement and degrees of crime

States that have tried to abolish the insanity defense have created laws that were later declared unconstitutional under due process clauses of the states

A limited interpretation might result in an affirmative defense of not guilty by reason of insanity rather than an ordinary defense

It is hard to say what would happen if insanity were abolished as an affirmative defense, because few states have done it and there are so few cases, but the underlying issues would likely reappear in a different form

The flaws of GBMI are that it strikes indirectly at the mens rea requirement, creates a lesser and included offense that might be a compromise and does not guarantee treatment for the person declared mentally ill

Prisons and jails cannot handle current inmates with mental problems, so GBMI may find themselves in a cycle of deteriorated mental health in prison and improved health upon transfer to a mental hospital

GMBI is a bogus reform because it involves people who would have been found guilty, not defendants who would have been found NGRI

Evaluation of another state's GBMI law found to reduction in insanity pleas, more confused jurors and offenders receiving GBMI placed on probation rather than receiving medical treatment

Proposition 28: Abolishing or limiting the insanity defense will have no impact on serious crime

ABOLISH OR REFORM PLEA BARGAINING?

Plea bargaining is disliked by all as conservatives see it as a loophole and liberals feel it is a source of injustice as some people get better deals and defense attorneys do not fight for their clients

In 2004, 97% of felony cases in large urban counties were settled by guilty plea

Comparative analysis between the U.S. and European countries conclude that unchecked prosecutorial discretion is a distinct feature of the U.S. CJS

Efforts to eliminate issues with plea bargain fall into two categories: abolish or reform

Abolishing Plea Bargaining: Alaska Tries

The most celebrated attempt to abolish plea bargaining attacked it by forbidding sentence and charge bargaining and establishing procedures for plea negotiations

The traditional defense that plea bargaining is an essential tool to handle heavy caseloads proved to be false

The prediction that discretion would simply shift also did not occur as the rate of dismissals remained high before and after the ban

Cases actually moved through the courts faster because there was less to negotiate

The most significant result was that the ban had no impact on defendants charged with serious crimes or with substantial criminal records because dangerous offenders had not been beating the system beforehand

The ban did produce more severe sentences in less serious cases which is known as the bait and switch

No evaluation addressed whether the plea bargaining ban affected the crime rate, but since it has no real affect on case disposition, it likely did not

Reforming Plea Bargaining in King County, Washington

King County, WA, uses a more structured process for handling cases, with clear rules for plea negotiations and higher levels of supervision

A horizontal approach to prosecution is used in which cases are first handled by the Charging Unit and then passed to the Early Plea Unit (EPU); cases not settled though a guilty plea are then handled by the Trial Unit

Regulations maintain that plea bargains must go through the EPU or they are not accepted; cannot occur at trial, and must be in writing

The net result was a high level of consistency in case processing; 70% of cases were settled by EPU, the courtroom workgroup worked together for appropriateness of charges, and a conservative charging policy was in place

Adaptations did occur due to long standing personal relationships among courtroom workgroup members

The more formal process in place in King County did not result in significant changes in case handling, although greater efficiency and openness occurred due to rules being known and increased supervision enhanced case consistency

In Search of Plea Bargains

Plea bargaining is a phantom loophole; it survives due to the CJ wedding cake and the shared norm of proportionality held by the courtroom work group

Proposition 29: Abolishing plea bargaining will not reduce serious crime

RESTRICT APPEALS

Conservatives believe post-conviction appeals undermine CJS by allowing offenders to escape punishment all together or to have final resolution delayed which undermines the deterrent effect; additionally, appeals turn the criminal process into a "game"

There are many possible avenues for appeal that are "seemingly" endless

Limiting Appeals

1981 Attorney General's Task Force on Violent Crime recommended a three-year statute of limitations on habeas corpus petitions and a prohibition on federal courts' holding evidentiary hearings

Habeas Corpus Act of 1679 is a device to challenge the detention of a person taken into custody

In Fay v. Noia (1963) the Supreme Court expanded the ability of an offender convicted in a state court to obtain a rehearing in federal court

The Reality of Postconviction Appeals

Postconviction appeals play a minor role in the administration of justice as only 1% of them succeed

A study on whether offenders abuse the right to appeal found that the equivalent of only 1.4% of offenders filed habeas corpus petitions, which is because most convictions are obtained through plea bargains

The workload of the courts has been exaggerated when in reality appeals represented only 4% of civil case filings in U.S. District Courts

An exception to the rule includes people on death row who exhaust every possible appeal and should because mistakes happen

Another exception involves "writ writers" or file innumerable appeals in federal court challenging their conviction or prison conditions, but these individuals are a tiny proportion of all inmates; since few succeed their impact on the crime rate would be negligible

Appeals do not delay finality and undermine the deterrent effect, because appeals are filed in few cases and could not have broad impact; besides, many factors affect the deterrent effect so appeals are only a minor factor

Proposition 30: Limiting habeas corpus appeals of criminal convictions will have no effect on serious crime

Conclusion

Closing loopholes will not reduce serious crime, because loopholes do not exist

The idea that criminals beat the system through the insanity defense, plea bargains, and appeals is a perception based on a small number of unrepresentative celebrated cases

Te justice system is fairly harsh with serious offenders who have been arrested

Key Terms

Major-Offender Prosecution Programs: A prosecution program that focuses special attention on career criminals to make sure they are prosecuted, convicted and incarcerated

Split Sentences: A sentence where the offender does some time in jail followed by a release on probation

Actus Reus: The fact that the accused committed the act that must be established by the prosecution in order to prove guilt; this must be connected to mens rea

Mens Rea: The fact that the accused had criminal intent that must be established by the prosecution in order to prove guilt; this must be connected with the actus reus

M'Naughton Rule: The right wrong test of insanity. To prove insanity it must be demonstrated that the accused did not know the difference between right and wrong

Affirmative Defense: Says that the accused killed the victim and intended to but s/he does not have criminal responsibility for the act because of the defense they are using

Ordinary Defense: At attempt to show that the prosecution has failed to connect the accused with the crime

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