Question: Do not copy-paste anything from google or any previous solves. kindly write in your own language. In the answer, Must Give 5/6 bullets points. Each
Do not copy-paste anything from google or any previous solves. kindly write in your own language.
In the answer, Must Give 5/6 bullets points. Each bullet point should have a paragraph within (40 to 50 words)
The answer should be based on the paragraph below. I will upvote after getting the answer :) thanks
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Question:
Comment_on_the_relationship_between_the_Mandate_of_Heaven_influencing_Chinese_political_cultures_view_of_idealized_world_order.
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Give Answer by reading the paragraphs below:
Because the founders of the Qing dynasty () were a conquest group originating outside the Great Wall of China, their political pronouncements constitute an interesting point from which to examine the notions underlying the Confucian model of universal rule, based on the Mandate of Heaven. Even though the Mandate of Heaven did not specify ethnic qualifications for rule, its universalism was challenged by other Confucian discourses, most notably one which divided the world into a civilized core region of Chinese speakers, surrounded by peoples of inferior cultural attainment. The Qing followed earlier conquest rulers in formulating a rebuttal of the ethnic issue to claim the Mandate and rule China from a Confucian structure of legitimacy. That is, they drew on a framework for political legitimacy that had been widely disseminated to other states that were situated within the Chinese cultural sphere in East Asia. Tracing the history of the Mandate of Heaven concept and its related model of an idealized world order, expressed through the tributary system, we see how successive regimes in Korea and Japan appropriated these expressions of Confucian universalism. By the early seventeenth century, when Qing rulers created a Chinese-style dynastic state, Korean and Japanese regimes used elements of the Confucian heritage to refute Qing claims to Confucian hegemony, specifically to challenge Qing attempts to claim the Mandate. Their efforts to create alternative world orders is itself an eloquent testimony to the power of the Chinese model of universal rule, just as the new Korean and Japanese self-images that were created in the seventeenth century helped to shape the nation-states that would emerge in modern times.
Most China specialists trace the Mandate of Heaven back to the conquest of the Shang by the Zhou (c. bc). Power and authority during the Shang dynasty rested on birth into a small group of elite lineages that were bonded by marriage ties. Using enormously valuable vessels made of bronze, rulershamans offered food and drink to deified royal ancestors, who had direct access to the spirit world. To communicate with the ancestor, tortoise shells and the shoulder blades of oxen and water buffalo were chiselled and then heated until they cracked, and the cracks were interpreted; the question and the answer were then carved on the bones to serve as a written record of the exchange. Worship of royal ancestors, whose support was viewed as critical for the prosperity of the ruling house, limited eligibility for Shang rulership to direct descendants. When the Zhou conquered the Shang, they presented a different theory of political legitimacy. Heaven, a deity, determined the ruling house. The founder of the Zhou dynasty argued that the last Shang ruler had displeased Heaven, who then transferred the Mandate to the Zhou. The notion that the Mandate was conditional upon benevolent rule was further developed by the Confucian philosopher Mencius ( bc). When asked by King Xuan of Qi whether a minister was ever ethically justified in killing his sovereign, Mencius replied that in the case of the last ruler of the Shang dynasty, King Zhou, his assassin killed a robber and a ruffian, not a king: overthrowing an unworthy ruler was neither rebellion nor regicide. Although Qin is credited with the first unification of China ( bc), it was quickly replaced by the Former Han dynasty ( bc ad ). During the reign of Han Wudi ( bc), Confucianism was adopted as the doctrine of the state. Confucianism taught that the virtuous ruler exuded a charisma (de, virtue) that attracted subjects to him. He should rule as an exemplar, guiding others to emulate him. An ideal society was one in which each individual faithfully enacted in daily life the obligations implicit in the five relationships (wulun) of rulersubject, fatherson, husbandwife, elder brotheryounger brother and between friends. These relationships were hierarchical even the last was usually cast as a senior junior relationship, according to the difference in age between friends but also involved mutuality. A subject (or a minister) was obliged to subordinate himself to his king, who must in turn nurture and protect his subordinate.
The failure of either party to fulfil reciprocal obligations undermined the normative social order that Confucian scholars strove to realize. The universalistic Confucian vision was embedded within a Chinese political model; its canonical texts were written in a distinctive ideographic writing system. Both the contents and the writing system were exported as a package to neighbouring groups undergoing state formation. The Chinese writing system was used by elites in Korea, Japan and Vietnam, areas that derived much of their higher culture and their primary system of writing from ancient China. By the middle of the fourth century ad, when Silla, Paekche and Koguryo emerged as centralized aristocratic states on the Korean peninsula, elites in these kingdoms were familiar with Confucian texts. Political tensions with China did not diminish the ardor of the Korean states for the introduction of Chinese culture. A National Confucian Academy was established by Koguryo in ; Chinese-style legal codes were promulgated in the three kingdoms. Relations between the Korean peninsula and the Japanese archipelago were quite intense in ancient times. During the fourth and fifth centuries, Koreans who emigrated to Japan and served the Yamato court took Chinese Confucian and other texts to Japan. Recent studies indicate that the majority of the Yamato scribes and accountants were descendants of Korean immigrants; many served on the committee that compiled the three Chinese-style penal and administrative codes (ritsuryo) created in Japan during the period. Although the Korean and Japanese states quickly adopted Chinese legal and administrative codes in the state-building process, the Confucianization of other aspects of their societies occurred over a longer time span. This was because the ritual regulations intimately linked with Confucian doctrines were based on the Chinese kinship system, which was patrilineal. Koreans and Japanese seem to have organized kinship bilaterally, counting both maternal and paternal descent (as was also generally true for western Europe). What were quickly appropriated, however, were the principles by which Chinese polities regulated their relationships with other states. Inter-state relations were to be conducted according to the tributary system.
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