Please write a 1000-1100 word paper that responds to an issue arising from the article.

2. Write organized, unified, and coherent texts using correct grammar, mechanics, diction, and a standard documentation style. Synthesize material from a variety of sources using appropriate citation.

3. Support your opinion using evidence from other sources. Remember that you have the option of using articles from the databases as well as video sources from Films on Demand (one of the databases in the LRC). To do well on this paper, you must use scholarly research sources, not blogs, Wikipedia, or lightweight articles you may find online by simply googling your topic. Use the library databases. If you need very recent articles, use articles published by credible news sources found online, not blogs. If the bulk of your sources cannot be found in the library databases or other scholarly databases, the most you can hope for in the research component of the rubric is a C grade. Aim to include at least three different sources to support your argument.

4. You can use "I" when you express opinions, but most of your evidence should come from the articles you are using as research sources. A good rule is to limit "I" to the introduction and conclusion and keep the body for objective analysis.

MELISSA AVDEEFF

Beyonc and Social Media: Authenticity and the Presentation of Self Melissa Avdeeff is a scholar and lecturer of popular music studies whose research has focused on representations of popularity, images of women in popular music press, and the effects of digital culture on radio, fan identity, and other intersections of technology and music culture. In this scholarly essay, Avdeeff advances a paradoxical claim that the accessible, seemingly "authentic" nature of Instagram actually functions as a highly controlled medium for the mega-star Beyonc and perhaps for the rest of us, too. Avdeeff demonstrates how scholars who study popular culture can help us see the important cultural work that is often accomplished in page598 the guise of "entertainment." By examining Beyonc's use of Instagram, Avdeeff digs deeper to reveal a larger and more interesting truth about our attitudes toward "authenticity" in a digital age.

After explaining her rationale for analyzing Beyonc's Instagram account (rather than her Facebook or Twitter accounts), Avdeeff uses paragraphs 3 and 4 to explicitly state her thesis. She also introduces the framing theory she uses from sociologist Erving Goffman on the presentation of self. Avdeeff uses the "Filling-the-Gap" model of thesis (see Chapter 6) to describe her contribution to the research on social media and fandom: "An area that has received much less scholarly attention, a problem that I seek to address, is the incorporation, or close examination, of the role of music and musicians within social media use, and, by proxy, the fandoms involved" (para. 4). You might return to this paragraph as you read this essay to ensure you understand how her many examples illuminate this central argument.

As you read, keep your own uses of Instagram in mind, and note the ways Avdeeff addresses aspects like its seeming "authenticity" (para. 5) and its "ephemerality" (para. 10). It may seem paradoxical to claim, as Avdeeff does, that Beyonc uses Instagram to reveal images for her fans of her "public private self" (para. 8). However, you likely also "curate" (or select) the images you share on social media to promote a particular image of yourself, similar to the way celebrities sell "a product which is essentially themselves" (para. 14). Be sure you can follow Avdeeff's points about the ways Beyonc's use of Instagram is similar to and different from how other celebrities use social media and the ways musicians may have a particular stake in promotion through digital platforms, given the connection between music-group fandom and identity formation (paras. 7 and 17).

While there is only one Beyonc, Avdeeff's insights about identity as performance and the ways we use social media to present our "public private selves" may come to mind the next time you pose, snap, and filter with Instagram and then tap Share.

1On November 12, 2012, Beyonc joined Instagram by posting a photo of herself, casually dressed in jeans and a shirt that read "Texans for Obama." She joined without fanfare, but it didn't take long for Beyonc to become the second most followed account on the site, behind the account for Instagram, itself. As of June 15, 2015, Beyonc has more than 36.3 million followers on Instagram, followed closely by Kim Kardashian, the self-styled queen of social media, with approximately 34 million followers. Whereas Kim Kardashian has become synonymous with the selfie photos that are taken by the poster of themselves Beyonc's Instagram account contains very few selfies, and predominantly allows for fans to have a glimpse into her extraordinary life.

2Beyonc's use of social media is outside the norm for contemporary celebrities who are online. Although she has over 14 million followers on page599 Twitter, she does not post on that platform (beyond 8 Tweets that were posted from 2012-2013), and appears to prefer interacting with her fans through Facebook, her personal site, and Instagram. It is widely accepted that those who engage with celebrities through social media expect a certain degree of authenticity in the form of transparency between the celebrity and their posts. Observations of Beyonc's Facebook feed show that it is largely maintained by a social media manager, as it is fairly obvious that it is not Beyonc, herself, posting. The authenticity of the posts is under question; therefore, the Facebook feed may function more as a site for news, information, and media, as opposed to a fan/artist relationship that relies on the perception of reciprocity.

3This essay will primarily focus on Beyonc's Instagram use, as it presents an interesting case study of the use of visual-based social media sites in celebrity branding, and a re-negotiation of the fan/artist relationship. This essay explores different approaches to studying celebrity social media use, including Goffman's presentation of self, parasocial interaction, and the circuit of culture, using Beyonc as a case study. Superficially, Beyonc's social media relationship with fans appears to be primarily parasocial, but in examining aspects of follower reception, it is demonstrated that her Instagram use actually incorporates a form of reciprocal relationship with fans, as seen in her choice of thematic material, and presentation of identity.

4Social media and fandom is a growing area of research. A field is emerging that examines celebrities and their Twitter use, and this research is generally conducted from the perspective of the celebrity, as opposed to the reception of the fans interacting with these accounts (Dobson 2012, Kapidzic and Herring 2015). An area that has received much less scholarly attention, a problem that I seek to address, is the incorporation, or close examination, of the role of music and musicians within social media use, and, by proxy, the fandoms involved. I question whether there is something inherently different about a musician, as opposed to other forms of celebrity, and if these differences are great enough to warrant special treatment. Pop music, a type of music that we can clearly label Beyonc's music as, is generally agreed upon to be a visual-heavy media. The importance of the visual aspect of the genre is recognized, and has steadily increased in importance since the advent of music videos in 1981. Pop music is clearly not just about the music, and these visual elements are integral to the artist's brand construction. Instagram therefore becomes an important aspect of this identity and brand creation in pop music. Videos remain an important medium of music consumption, especially amongst youths, and the use of social media and Instagram provides not only a behind-the-scenes look into the perceived "authentic" version of the star, but also serves to strengthen the bond between fan and artist through an engagement with visual texts representing, on the one hand, vulnerability, and, in the case of Beyonc, glamour.

page600 Musician Authenticity on Instagram 5A critical discussion of authenticity is prevalent both within the fields of social media and pop music. In discourses surrounding pop music there is an ongoing dichotomy in the mainstream press, and also within the academy to a certain extent, between pop/rock and inauthentic/authentic which has also permeated the use of social media (Frith 1978, Moore 2002). A carefully curated Instagram profile, in some instances, functions to increase perceived authenticity of the star, but on the other hand, functions to mask the authentic self through the curation process. The addition of the Instagram narrative in musicians' branding complicates the authentic/inauthentic dichotomy, as consumers' expectations of Instagram authenticity are not similarly expected in stage or music video performances.

6The use of a persona is quite common for pop musicians, whether implicitly stated by the artist, or not. Pop music has long been considered a "carnivalesque" (Railton 2001) medium whereby the artists, and fans, can participate in a temporary period of identity exploration and sexual liberation, largely outside the norms of society. Beyonc, herself, has utilized the personas of Sasha Fierce and Yonce in order to separate her "authentic" performance of self from her more sexually aggressive stage performances. The persona, or alter ego, allows stars to separate themselves from behaviors that may garner negative reactions in the press, especially for females who are portraying themselves as overtly sexual, which is often outside the accepted societal conventions, no matter how outdated these stereotypes are. While stage and music video personas can challenge societal norms surrounding gender and sexuality conventions, it is the perceived inauthenticity of the persona that allows them to be accepted and consumed by the masses without too much judgment. When an artist presents themselves through social media, however, they are expected to remove themselves from the stage persona in order to present their authentic self to their followers. This has become an unwritten rule within social media use, and one that requires more research and observation.

7I argue that the desire for authenticity of pop musicians on Instagram ties into larger notions of music and identity. The idea that music tastes are bound within identity formation adds another layer to the fan/artist relationship. By creating an emotional connection with an artist (persona or otherwise), fans have come to expect a certain degree of authenticity within the relationship that exists on Instagram and other social media platforms. Musical preferences are largely tied to identity formation (Frith 1996), and if consumers feel an emotional and authentic relationship with specific music, it would follow that that relationship would be expected to coincide with the fan's relationship to other aspects of the music's brand, including Instagram.

8 page601 Perhaps it is the perceived authenticity that is the appeal, as discussed below, of Beyonc's Instagram photos whereby she is engaged in more private endeavors, such as enjoying time with her daughter or husband. Is this a glimpse into her "authentic" life? Do her fans feel an increased emotional connection to an artist when they can relate on a more personal, albeit mediated, level? David Marshall refers to this as the "public private self" (2010, 44) whereby celebrities present a constructed private version of themselves through social media, which ultimately becomes another version, or layer, in the public presentation of self. With the public private self, according to Marshall, celebrities negotiate their presentation of self through social media in a "recognition of the new notion of a public that implies some sort of further exposure of the individual's life" (2010, 44), enforcing the notion that fans expect a certain degree of interaction and authenticity from the celebrities they follow online. Marshall notes that Twitter has become the primary vehicle for celebrities to demonstrate their public private selves, but it is arguable that Instagram, especially in the way that Beyonc has used the platform, presents a version of the self that, by utilizing visuals instead of text, removes the possibility for literal misinterpretation. That being said, the intentions behind Beyonc's Instagram posts are unknown, but if they are considered as both a presentation of self, as well as a form of artwork, they can become subject to subjective interpretation. Marshall's public private self is part of a larger typology of online celebrity presentation of self, which also includes the public self, or the official, industrial version of the self. For Beyonc, this would be her Facebook account, which largely functions as publicity and promotion. And also the transgressive intimate self, whereby celebrities, often in the heat of the moment, reveal intimate details, or temporary emotion. Beyonc's strict control over her digital presence negates the presence of a transgressive intimate self (2010, 44-45).

9An interview with Beyonc's digital strategist, Lauren Wirtzer-Seawood, as conducted by Stuart Dredge, has revealed that Beyonc prefers the visual-based medium to other text-based social media sites, such as Twitter, because it leaves less room for misinterpretation. Instagram functions as a "personal communication" tool for Beyonc, something "that Beyonc most of the time uses directly herself: she posts pictures. It's her way of communicating to fans a little bit of what her personal life is like" (Dredge 2014). According to Wirtzer-Seawood, Beyonc and her digital networking team "don't use Twitter at all. It is a personal choice. I think as an artist, Beyonc really prefers to communicate in images. It's very hard to say what you want to say in 140 characters" (Dredge 2014). Regardless of how Beyonc's brand is perceived along the continuum of authenticity, the immense control that Beyonc exerts over her digital presence represents, on one level, an authenticity of production. The presentation of self is tightly controlled by Beyonc herself, allowing her to present her public private self, in a carefully curated front stage performance.

page602 Instagramming Beyonc 10As of January 2014, 26 percent of adult internet users, and 21 percent of the entire adult population use Instagram. The Pew Research Center's research shows that, notably, 53 percent of young adults aged 18-29 use Instagram. The platform has a clear youth preference, as only 11 percent of online adults between the ages of 50-64 use Instagram, and 25 percent of online adults ages 30-49. Since joining Instagram in 2012, Beyonc has (as of April 18, 2015), posted 991 photos to Instagram. The ephemerality of the platform, however, prevents knowledge of the actual amount of photos that have been posted, as photos can be deleted. It is apparent that Beyonc has deleted many photos from her Instagram feed, as there are photos referenced on older online news sources which do not currently occur in her feed. The ephemerality allows for a continuous curation of identity and brand, taking into account the fact that anything posted on the internet has a certain degree of permanence, as the photos will nevertheless remain online in one form or another. Screen shots of Instagram photos are largely outside the control of the artist, becoming a permanent documentation that, although not posted on "official" sources, are nevertheless a part of the brand of the artist by ultimately contributing to their discourse of identity.

11Within the 991 photos, Beyonc is present in 700 (70.1 percent). Her husband, Jay-Z, is featured in 85 (8.6 percent) of her Instagram photos, and Blue Ivy, their daughter, is present in 38 (3.8 percent). Of the 38 photos of that contain Blue Ivy, only 3 show her face. The choice to originally not show Blue Ivy's face appears to be a conscious effort, most likely to protect the privacy of her daughter (Huffpost Celebrity 2013). On February 14, 2015, Beyonc posted the first full-view face photo of Blue Ivy, alongside herself, in what remains the most "liked" photo in Beyonc's Instagram feed, with over 1.9 million likes. The photo appears to be a selfie with Beyonc and her daughter, whereby they have placed small bee ornaments on their faces.

12Beyonc's Instagram photos can be categorized into the following non-mutually-exclusive themes: concert, paparazzi, candid, fashion, throwback, holiday, food, scenery, message, and selfie. Concert photos, which account for 16 percent of her feed, are photos which have been taken during a concert. They appear, for the most part, to be taken by professional photographers. There are no concert selfies. Paparazzi photos are professional photos which appear to have been taken by the paparazzi; they include red carpet photos, photos from premieres, and photos from basketball games. They account for 6 percent of the feed. Candid photos (20 percent of the feed) are those that show Beyonc in her potential "authentic" self. Often, these photos are taken when Beyonc is looking away from the camera, not working, and/or in what could be construed as her version of everyday activities. Fashion photos make up a large percentage of Beyonc's Instagram feed at 24 percent, reinforcing the notion page603 that pop music branding is all-encompassing, and not dependent solely on the music itself. Beyonc's focus on fashion may serve to reflect her own involvement with the world of fashion with her label, House of Dereon, but at the same time, her fashion posts do not make mention of specific brands or labels, leaving this information up to the viewers to determine. This category features a fair amount of close-up photos of manicures, jewelry, and full-body shots where the emphasis is clearly on the clothing and Beyonc's body. Bees are an ongoing theme in Beyonc's jewelry photos. Photos that are from holidays or travels make up 17 percent of the feed, while scenery shots, those which do not feature any people and are largely scenery-based, make up 14 percent. Statistically, the scenery shots are the least "liked" photos on Beyonc's Instagram account. Food photos, which are a common theme, in general, on Instagram, occur in 2 percent of Beyonc's feed. Throwback photos, another common Instagram trope, account for 5 percent. Beyonc does not often directly address her fans. She rarely captions her Instagram photos, and leaves interpretation largely up to the viewer. That being said, 8 percent of her photos are what I call "message" photos, in that the photos contain a form of text, either typed or hand-written, that presumably address her followers. Often, these message posts are promotion for Beyonc.com, or hand-written lyrics, motivational quotes, or other forms of self-promotion. As with the scenery photos, these receive less "likes" than photos that show Beyonc's public private self.

13Interestingly, selfies only account for 3 percent of Beyonc's Instagram feed. This is surprising, as this is the genre that has driven the success of Instagram (Saltz 2014), and is in stark comparison to other celebrities that are highly popular on Instagram, such as Kim Kardashian or Taylor Swift. In reiterating that Beyonc is a unique case study, it should be noted that she is largely not reaching out to an imagined audience for a reciprocal relationship. She is predominantly presenting an opportunity for her audience to glimpse into her highly extraordinary life, as opposed to presenting her extraordinary life as something that is ordinary, and relatable to the average viewer/fan.

Beyonc and the Presentation of Self 14There is much discussion about the presentation of self on social media, through a re-interpretation of Erving Goffman's 1959 book, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. The dramaturgical model posits that human interaction is filtered through a series of social scripts that prescribe situation-based acceptable forms of behavior. But when we move this interaction to the online realm, and in regards to musician celebrities in particular, it goes beyond the presentation of social scripts, towards a complicated balance between self-branding and a desire to "sell" a product which is essentially themselves. A common theme exists page604 amongst musicians desiring to reveal their "commonness" on Instagram in order to demonstrate similarities between themselves and their fans, presumably to strengthen the consumer bond by incorporating strategic vulnerability. This is common in artists such as Taylor Swift, who regularly posts photos of herself doing everyday activities, such as hanging out with her friends, playing with her cat, and going to the beach. Swift also regularly posts photos of herself with her fans, blurring the boundaries between what is considered a reciprocal relationship, and one that appears as one. With this in mind, Beyonc's Instagram feed differs from many high-profile musicians. Her photos present a view into life in the 1 percent; highly glamorous, but also built on the foundation of hard work. Labor is represented in the numerous photos of her on stage, in rehearsal, or in the studio. In total, 19.7 percent of her photos have some sort of relation to music and/or the process of creating or performing music. Alice Marwick has found that Instagram users are more likely to "like" photos on Instagram that are aspirational or "reinforce an existing hierarchy of fame, in which the iconography of glamour, luxury, wealth, good looks, and connections is re-inscribed in a visual digital medium" (Marwick 2015, 141). Beyonc's Instagram feed does not just resemble the "lifestyles of the rich and famous" trope that allows micro-celebrities to become "Instagram famous," rather, she is the epitome of the trope and functions to represent and serve as a model for others seeking online celebrity status. Her glamorous photos do not appear to promote excess for the sake of excess; Beyonc does not seem to flaunt her wealth and elite lifestyle through Instagram, unlike other Instagram photos that regularly appear on the profile, @richkidsofinstagram. The profile, which originated as a Tumblr account, re-posts photos from wealthy adolescents who flaunt their extravagant lifestyles. The profile of the account reads: "Rich Kids Of Instagram: They have more money than you and this is what they do." Whereas these profiles are, in general, flaunting wealth inequality through inheritance (Marwick 2015), Beyonc's profile balances photos of extravagance with a demonstration of labor.

15Goffman's dramaturgical model of the presentation of self that we engage in a series of performances, determined by the social situation in which we find ourselves is quite relevant when discussing the curation that occurs on Instagram, but when we consider the prevalence of the persona within pop music, the issue becomes complicated. As discussed, there is an expectation for female pop musicians to perform under a stage persona, but this can become quite confusing for fans/followers, as they have no concrete evidence to determine what is, and is not, a part of the carefully constructed brand. Photos posted on Instagram serve as a "performative practice" (Marwick and boyd 2011, 140) of celebrity. Marwick and boyd note, in an exploration of celebrity practices on Twitter, that celebrities must "constantly navigate complex identity performances" (2011, 140) and manage the disconnect between the public persona and the "authentic" self. Whereas magazines and paparazzi attempt to disclose page605 celebrities for their "true" selves, Instagram gives that power back to the celebrity, in the form of a carefully curated performance of identity. An ongoing performance of celebrity, through Instagram, is crucial for the maintenance of celebrity in digitality, even for a top-tier performer such as Beyonc. As Marwick and boyd note, "In the broadcast era, celebrity was something a person was; in the Internet era, microcelebrity is something people do" (2011, 140). Marwick and boyd often refer to the term microcelebrity as a way to categorize those who are famous online, but I argue that the same holds true for celebrities that are recognizable online and offline, such as Beyonc. Instagram may allow for new pathways to celebrity status, but it is also a site of fame maintenance.

16Where Goffman's theory is most applicable to the discussion surrounding Beyonc on Instagram, is in the idea of the embodiment of identity; the identity, or persona, by which fans relate to the artist. As musicians disclose personal information through Instagram, they make themselves vulnerable to the public: a vulnerable social performance of identity (Chen 2014). In an investigation of relationship construction through YouTube, Chih-Ping Chen notes that it is this performance of vulnerability that followers identify with. Online relationships and interactions vary vastly from in-person interactions, in that people cannot gauge the reception of their audience and adjust in real time. Instead, artifacts, in this case, photos, are presented to the public and reception comes in the form of "likes" and comments. Hogan refers to social media platforms as exhibition spaces, where photos are presented and processed "when actors are not necessarily present at the same time but still react to each other's data" (Hogan 2010, 344). Therefore, for Hogan, Instagram is still considered a presentation of the self, but outside the time and space constraints of in-person impression management. In examining Beyonc's Instagram feed, it can be interpreted that, as the curator, she has reacted to the engagement of her followers in order to adapt her impression, outside of real-time engagement. For example, her earlier posts included more "message" photos, but these have subsequently decreased in frequency. These photos received substantially less "likes" than photos from the same time period that featured Beyonc, or her friends and family. The reduced amount of likes in these earlier message photos cannot solely be attributed to the early adoption of the medium, because fashion photos from the same time period received significantly more likes. To highlight, on November 16, 2012, Beyonc posted a photo containing a handwritten quote by Anais Nin, "SOME PEOPLE FEEL THE RAIN, OTHERS GET WET," which received approximately 86,600 likes; a fashion photo from two days later received 155,000 likes. Perhaps these message photos decreased in frequency as a reaction to fan engagement and to curate content for maximum appeal. Also from 2012 are a series of photos taken at the Tate Modern Museum. In this series, a photo of the Slashed Canvas taken on December 9, 2012, remains the least liked photo in her feed, with approximately 36,800 likes. This is not to say that almost 37 thousand page606 people liking a photo is trivial, but in comparison to the average amount of likes, which is approximately 532,000, and a median of approximately 491,000, the number is significantly lower....

Conclusion 17With the rise of digital media, and digital music dissemination, a dematerialization of consumption has occurred. The dematerialization of musical goods, in the form of MP3s and streaming music platforms such as Spotify, Pandora, and Rdio, has altered the reception and consumption of music. As the physicality of the music playback technology decreases consumers look for new ways to establish a material connection with music, often in the form of playback technologies, such as vinyl and the turntable. In order to find connections to music and musicians, consumers have also looked online, to digital platforms that provide an aspect of music that is not present in the physical copy: the "self" of the artist. This is not to say that fans did not experience emotional relationships with musicians before the advent of social media and Instagram, but the prevalence of these platforms has created a new space where fans and followers can engage on an emotional level with what they perceive to be a more authentic version of the star. Throughout the development of music playback technology, and subsequent digitalization, a tremendous change in listening and consumption habits has followed. Instagram offers a new visual-based platform for music-related materials. Instagram perpetuates the emphasis that is placed on beauty and the body for female pop musicians, which is reflected in Beyonc's fashion themed photos. On the other hand, her more candid photos provide a glimpse into her everyday life that can be perceived as vulnerable, even if she is not posting them from a position of vulnerability. Beyonc's obsessive documentation of her everyday life suggests that her extreme awareness of her brand and performance of self leaves little room for vulnerability, although how followers and consumers interpret such visuals may vary. Beyonc is notorious for being very selective in which interviews she conducts and with whom she talks to in the press, so, often the only way we can access a version of her authentic self is through her Instagram photos. Crossovers exist between her personal life and her music videos, especially in her 2014 self-titled audiovisual album, which includes locations and dramatic reinterpretations of important moments in her life, but it becomes difficult to separate what is Beyonc, and what is a persona, leaving Instagram to help in that understanding. Beyonc owns her brand, just as she owns her likeness. In the words of Amy Wallace, GQ correspondent,

There ain't no use being hot as fish grease ... if someone else wields the spatula and holds the keys to the cash register. But if you can harness your own power and put it to your own use? Well, then there are no limits. That's what the video camera is all about: owning your own brand, your page607 own face, your own body. Only then, to borrow another Beyonc lyric, can girls rule the world. And make no mistake, fellas: Queen Bey is comfortable on her throne [Wallace 2013].

Regardless of Beyonc's personal intentions for using the Instagram platform in an ongoing curation of self, a theme has emerged as a constant in her feed: flawless.

references Chen, Chih-Ping. 2014. "Forming the Digital Self and Parasocial Relationships on YouTube." Journal of Consumer Culture 16.1: 1-12. Dobson, Amy Shields. 2012. "Individuality Is Everything: 'Autonomous' Femininity in MySpace Mottos and Self-Description." Continuum 26.3: 371-383. Dredge, Stuart. 2014. "Here's Why Beyonc Hasn't Used Twitter Since August 2013." musically, November 5. Accessed June 2, 2015. http://musically.com/2014/11/05/beyonce-twitter-facebook-lauren-wirtzer-seawood/. Frith, Simon. 1978. The Sociology of Rock. London: Constable. . 1996. "Music and Identity." In Questions of Cultural Identity, edited by Stuart Hall and Paul du Gay, 108-127. London: Sage. Goffman, Erving. 1959. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Hogan, Bernie. 2010. "The Presentation of Self in the Age of Social Media: Distinguishing Performances and Exhibitions Online." Bulletin of Science, Technology & Society 30.6: 377. Huffpost Celebrity. 2013. "Beyonc Shares Blue Ivy Photo, Still Manages to Keep Her from Prying Eyes." December 20. Accessed June 2, 2015. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/12/10/beyonc-shares-blue-ivy-photo_n_4420801.html. Kapidzic, Sanka, and Susan Herring. 2015. "Teens, Gender, and Self-Presentation in Social Media." In International Encyclopedia of Social and Behavioral Sciences, 2nd Edition, edited by J. D. Wright. Oxford: Elsevier. Marshall, P. David. 2010. "The Promotion and Presentation of the Self: Celebrity as Marker of Presentational Media." Celebrity Studies 1.1: 35-48. Marwick, Alice. 2015. "Instafame: Luxury Selfies in the Attention Economy." Public Culture 1.75: 137-160. Marwick, Alice, and danah boyd. 2011. "To See and Be Seen: Celebrity Practice on Twitter." Convergence 17.2: 139-156. Moore, Allen. 2002. "Authenticity as Authentication." Popular Music 21.1: 209-223. Railton, Diane. 2001. "The Gendered Carnival of Pop." Popular Music 20.3: 321-331. Saltz, Jerry. 2014. "Art at Arm's Length: A History of the Selfie." Vulture, January 26. Accessed June 2, 2015. http://www.vulture.com/2014/01/history-of-the-selfie.html. Wallace, Amy. 2013. "Miss Millennium: Beyonc." GQ. Accessed June 2, 2015. http://www.gq.com/story/beyonce-cover-story-interview-gq-february-2013.

Reading as a Writer: Analyzing Rhetorical Choices Review the visual analysis tools in Chapter 10 and in pairs, in groups, or on your own, analyze some images from Beyonc's Instagram account. Prepare to discuss the significance of a few images in light of Avdeeff's claims and anything else you draw from Chapter 10's insights. page608 Use a bright color to mark all the references to Goffman in this essay. How are Goffman's ideas important to Avdeeff's argument? What can you say about where she places his ideas to build her point effectively? Writing as a Reader: Entering the Conversation of Ideas Avdeeff is interested in the function of images in our culture, as are Chess, Evans, and Baines (pp. 636-657). Using the visual rhetoric insights from Chapter 10 and Avdeeff's and Chess et al.'s readings, write an essay in which you use a small number of examples from Beyonc's Instagram account and advertising images to make an argument of your own. You might use your examples to demonstrate how images can shore up or work against a specific stereotype. Or you might focus on the ways images create a sense of identification and community. Or perhaps there is something else you want to teach your readers about the power of images? Avdeeff argues that celebrities " 'Sell' a product that is essentially themselves" (para. 14). How is this like and unlike the experience Jia Tolentino (pp. 658-666) describes of nonfamous people interacting on social media? Place these authors in conversation with one another in an essay of your own that considers the connection among social media images of ourselves, identity, social roles and stereotypes, and, perhaps, resistance. Draw on examples from these texts and additional ones from your personal experience, if you like, as you make your point.

Stuart Greene, April Lidinsky. (2022). From Inquiry to Academic Writing: A Text and Reader (5th Edition) [Texidium version]. Retrieved from http://texidium.com

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