There are some things I don't understand in this article. Kirk Gardner, Dani Magsumbol and Ethel Tungohan, "The Politics of Migrant Worker Organizing in Canada, in Stephanie Ross and Larry Savage, eds., Rethinking the Politics of Labour in Canada, 2"d Edition (Halifax and Winnipeg: Fernwood, 2021), 171-190. 1. What lessons can we draw from these four case studies about how we might protect the rights and interests of those who are included in the labour market, but excluded from equal rights and workplace protections-those who are at once essential and disposable? What role do unions have to play here? What must unions do to build more expansive forms of solidarity across citizen and non-citizen workers? 2. How did the onset of the pandemic lay bare the fundamental contradictions of Canada's immigration system? How does each of the case studies chosen by the authors illustrate how workers have challenged their dual identities as both essential and disposable? What do the authors mean by "permanent temporariness?" How has precarity come to define the experience of working in Canada for a growing number of workers, and with what consequences? Does traditional unionization offer a path forward for migrant workers, and with what limitations? What lessons do the authors draw from their BC farm workers case study? Like Choudry and Thomas, Gardner, Magsumbol and Tungohan build one of their case studies around the Montral Immigrants' Workers' Centre. What promise inheres in this model to build solidarities beyond the workplace? What limitations does traditional Wagnerism unionism impose on unions that might seek to take up the interests of migrant workers? What do the authors mean when they suggest that the strength of organizations like the Migrant Rights Network can sometimes come from the fact that they are not bound by Wagnerism and the structured relationships with employers that defines it? What do the authors mean by an intersectional approach to organizing? Why is it insufficient to focus on building class-based solidarities alone? What might an intersectional organizing framework look like? What must unions do if they are to become a relevant player in the struggles to advance the rights and interests if vulnerable and marginalized workers? Is it just a matter of integrating the specifics of those issues facing migrant workers into collective bargaining, or must they do more? 3. The core argument of this article? 4. What is it trying to tell the reader? Nothing outside of this assigned article should be added please and assigned pages should be added. Below is the link: https://fernwoodpublishing.ca/files/Rethinking_the_Politics_of_Labour_2ed_EEx.pdf * chapter 8