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Question:

Write_your_thoughts_on_Confuciuss_influence_on_Chinese_culture_and_politics.

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Give Answer by reading the paragraphs below:

No two ancient political cultures were more different that those that became established in India and China. Knowledge of ancient China has been revolutionized by archaeological discoveries which are still going on. These include discoveries of important philosophical texts. The Shang dynasty (c. 16001046 BCE) was replaced in c. 1046 by the Zhou dynasty. This lasted effectively till 771, and in attenuated form till 256. During the Spring and Autumn period (771453 BCE),1 there was still an overall cultural community, but the country was divided up into de facto independent states in competition with each other. The Zhou kings remained theoretical overlords, but actual power was divided among hegemons (ba), tied to the Zhou by lineage, but in fact independent. Confucius (c. 551479 BCE) lived at the end of this period. From 453 to 221 BCE (the Warring States period), competition between states intensified. Smaller states were swallowed up by larger, more powerful states, which became increasingly centralized. During this period of political flux and frequent warfare, Chinese philosophy got startedmuch as it did during the age of independent poleis in Greece. Reformers advocating different approaches to government competed for the ear of rulers. The followers of Confucius (the gentle (ru)) (ST 41) specialized in advice on the traditional norms and ritual (li) enshrined in the Classics.2 The followers of Mozi (c. 460390 BCE) (Mohists) were specialists in defensive warfare.3 Mengzi (c. 379304 BCE) was the most famous and committed disciple of Confucius. Shang Yang (Lord Shang) (d. 338), chief minister of the state of Qin in western China, introduced a new realist way of thinking about public policy and the state. He and those who thought like him became known as Legalists, due to their emphasis on the written laws of the ruler. Xunzi (c. 310218 BCE) was a Confucian, but also an original thinker who synthesized different approaches. We shall meet with others. Between 231 and 221 the state of Qin conquered all the other states in a ruthless campaign, and unified the whole of China. Its king, Qin, proclaimed himself emperor (huangdi: lit. august thearch). In 209 a peasants revolt resulted in the establishment of the more amenable Han dynasty, which lasted

until 220 CE. By this time, the main contours of Chinese political thought and culture were well and truly established. The Shang dynasty, like early states everywhere, was a sacred monarchy. The king was the lineage head (I, the one man); the state was inseparable from the king and the royal lineage (Lewis 1999: 15). The royal ancestral line was the centre of the cosmos (Aihe Wang 2000: 43). This view of the central role of the state in the scheme of things survived in China much longer than anywhere else, and is still in evidence today. The Shang ruler had supreme authority. This was related to his religious functions: only he could perform divination rituals, interpret communications from ancestors, and offer the sacrifices which, it was thought, were needed for prosperity and victory. The well-being of society and the natural order were thought to depend upon due performance of rituals by the ruler. Already written documents played a major role in the organisation of the state; 4 bureaucracy had begun. The revolution of c. 1046 BCE was based on, or gave rise to, the belief that the Mandate (or Decree) of Heaven (tian ming) had passed to the Zhou lineage, because of the Shangs misrule and the virtue (de) 5 of the Zhou. The Zhou took the title Son of Heaven. This was the beginning of a distinctive theory of sacred monarchy in China. The Mandate played the same pivotal role in China as the Covenant played in Israel, except that the Zhou monarchy sought to monopolize access to Heaven. The Zhou succeeded in establishing an understanding . . . of the world that would undergird all subsequent Chinese intellectual discourse, and the canons of governmental propriety (CHAC 351). During the Spring and Autumn period government was still based upon kinship and hierarchy. But the rulers of the several states, while in theory representing the Zhou emperor as Son of Heaven, in fact relied on their own military force. Attempts to base inter-state relations on traditional norms failed. The power of these hegemons later devolved to warrior elites, based in cities though still organized in aristocratic lineages. During the later Spring and Autumn period larger states emerged. These were still supposed to be part of the Zhou cultural community, and acknowledged, in theory at least, the same system of behaviour and ritual. But domestic and inter-state politics was now based on naked use of force and unrestrained warfare. The Zhou king, though still nominally Son of Heaven, was ignored. There was a legitimacy deficit. Power was based on the unique person of the ruler. 6 Hereditary office and obligation were steadily replaced by the direct control of all subjects by the ruler. Kings came to rely on a new stratum of government officials, the shi. These men of service were chosen for their skill and mental agility, a class of men similar to the samurai of medieval Japan [and] originally serving as soldiers (CHAC 566, 604). They were employed in civil and military roles,

for purposes both technical and occult. Rulers relied on the shi as experts in politics, management, warfare, and cosmology. Such were the circumstances in which Confucius taught. At the same time there appeared a new form of military commander, a specialist who led through mastery of military techniques. In place of aristocratic and lineage values, these leaders presented combat as an intellectual discipline, dependent upon the powers of mind and textual mastery, combined with the unthinking obedience and uniform actions of the troops. The general was compared to a sage who discovered, or created, pattern in the chaos of battle (Lewis 1990: 11, 97, 121, 230). This parallel chain of command during battle overrode that of the king. The shi, if they were dissatisfied or could find a better post, would move from one state to another. This gave them a certain leverage, and contributed to their intellectual independence. It also reflected the cultural oikoumen. The shi saw themselves as members of an intellectual community connecting them to their master regardless of time and place. For them, entering the service meant receiving a rank in the state hierarchy; in this way a shi could become a legitimate member of the ruling elite. 7 This was of decisive importance for the development of Chinese political thought. It was one reason why the political order played such a dominant role in Chinese philosophy, in fact more dominant than anywhere else. In no other culture would the history of thought and the history of the state be so closely intertwined. Ethical and philosophical reflection developed in response to the increasingly problematic political situation. This was the period of a hundred schools. China produced a greater variety of political ideas than any other monarchical agrarian civilization. Traditional norms, though still respected by many, were widely disregarded in practice, and wielders of power resorted to unrestrained force. There emerged a variety of ideas about legitimate authority and public ethics. There was systematic debate of an intensity which we find nowhere else except in Greece. Knowledge entered the public arena; ethics and politics were opened up to discussion, argument, and proof. But discussion was limited to monarchy and did not, as in Greece, consider other types of state.8 Chinese and Greek philosophy and science may be fruitfully compared, as parallel and equally remarkable, although quite different, achievements (Lloyd 2002). But a similarly close comparison of Chinese and Greek political thought is less easy, because their accomplishments were quite different. The role of the shi was one of the primary concerns of Confucius, Mozi, and Mengzi. The shi overwhelmingly opted for a political career as a main avenue of self-realization. Confucius himself, who has been called the first intellectual leader of the shi, shaped decisively their approach to holding office, by upholding the moral commitment to serve the government, but only on their

own terms (Pines 2009: 3, 1456). For Confucius, the truly noble man (junzi) 9 was not necessarily an aristocrat, but someone who lived according to the code of behaviour known as the rites (li) (below). The difference between the noble and the small man was that the former concentrates on right, the latter on advantage, especially financial gain (CA 4.16). Confucius father, a warrior and administrator, died when Confucius was young. Confucius Sayings (Lunyu: Analects) were probably compiled between c. 479 and c. 250 BCE by his followers.10 They are the first text in which the term shireferring to people with aspirationsitself becomes an object of enquiry (Pines 2009: 120). Confucius served as minister and counsellor in various states, often as an adviser on ritual. He repeatedly resigned from posts that proved unsatisfactory. The Sayings take the form of miniature anecdotes, snatches of conversation, question-and-answer exchanges. They leave spaces to be filled in, questions in the mind. Confucius unique teaching method was based on the understanding that people make mistakes; the important thing is to correct them (CA 15.30). Above all, his concern is with what can be done (CA 13.3). Indeed, the Sayings reveal a specific approach to the relationship between theory and practice. They communicate a method of moral judgment, an approach to life (B&B 197). The focus is on ethics and ritual conduct rather than on politics; this may have contributed to the works lasting influence. The Sayings are comparable, in originality and profundity, with the founding texts of moral or religious development elsewhere.

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