Question: Using appropriate theoretical concepts to justify your answer, do you consider that Pim Fortuyn was a charismatic leader in the The paradox of Pim Fortuyn:
Using appropriate theoretical concepts to justify your answer, do you consider that Pim Fortuyn was a charismatic leader in the "The paradox of Pim Fortuyn: a study in charismatic leadership" on pages 327-329. (kindly include citations)


CASE STUDY 8.1 The paradox of Pim Fortuyn: a study in charismatic leadership 'In Amsterdam they party, in The Hague they talk outrageous soundbites that were a gift for the Dutch and in Rotterdam we work is a frequently heard media and wiping the floor with establishment expression that sums up the quintessential differ- politicians in televised debates, ence between Rotterdam and the rest of Holland. Fortuyn had only recently entered the Dutch Rotterdamers are justifiably proud of their city political arena; previously he had held several jobs which had to be completely rebuilt after the Second in education and research, living up to what became World War and is now home to the largest port in known as 'Fortuyn's Law's wherever he worked he the world. It is, however, a city of contrasts: named left in controversy and acrinwny. The former European City of Culture in 2001, It also has a Marxist became an opinionated right-wing maga greater percentage of unsolved crime than anywherezine columnist and had started his own local else in the Netherlands; it is home to the biggest political party, Leefbaar Rotterdam (Liveable "house scene', has more festivals and Michelin 3* Rotterdam), in order to contest the forthcoming restaurants than anywhere else in Holland but it is local elections when, in November 2001, he was also home to the greatest number of unemployed invited to become leader of the small and suppos. and foreign illegal workers. Because of its maritime edly radical national party, Leefbaar Netherland. history Rotterdam has always been a multi-cultural He guided the party towards the right, criticising melting pot - Indeed some estimates suggest that bureaucracy in Dutch public services and challeng- there are more non-Dutch than native Dutch living ing long-established Dutch political norms. in the city. However, true to the Dutch concepts of However, 'Fortuyn's law' was once again re-enacted tolerance and equality, it appeared, outwardly at when, three months later, he was thrown out for least, that everything in the bulb fields was coming suggesting that Article One of the Dutch up tulips - until, that is, the emergence in 2002 of a Constitution, which banned discrimination, should little-known sociology professor turned politician: be changed this despite the fact that, on his Pim Fortuyn. appointment, he had promised not to raise this as Fifty-three years old, Professor l'im', as he pre- an issue) and for publicly criticising Muslim leaders ferred to be known, brought a breath of fresh air to and their stance on homosexuals. Still head of the the previously bland Dutch political scene where local Leefbaar Rotterdam, and two days after his every government for decades was a coalition and public dismissal from Leebaar Netherland, this where every view, as long as it was broadly demo- indomitable character had bounced back to form his cratic, was taken into account. Elections had own party, List Pim Fortuyn (Pim Fortuyn's List), become slightly meaningless: whoever won, what comprising a disparate group of hand-picked, like- ever slight rejuggling there might be of the coalition minded people who were in complete agreement partners, Dutch politics bobbed along in its cosy with his policies and who were rich enough to be centrist way with no one aware of a growing com- able to finance him but who did not necessarily placency and no one aware of the anxieties which have any political training or background. were beginning to surface on the fringes of society, Fortuyn's particular brand of politics was as para- particularly in Rotterdam - no one, that is, until doxical as the man himself. Branded right-wing he Professor Pim promised to address them. was frequently (and to his increasing anger) com- Pim Fortuyn was a flamboyant, openly gay, blunt, pared with France's Jean-Marie Le Pen or Austria's outspoken and charismatic man with a penchant for Jorg Halder. In fact he supported gay rights, legalised lap dogs, luxury and Cuban cigars; well dressed in drugs and prostitution - the very hallmarks of custom-made Italian sults he was often to be seen in Holland's pemissive society - and he succeeded in his chauffeur-driven Daimler with blacked-out win- blending liberal and reactionary populist policies dows and champagne leather upholstery, which included a drastic reduction in bureaucracy, a Charismatic, confrontational and telegenic, he pos- clampdown on crime and a return of much of the sessed a frank, sarcastic sense of humour, providing Netherlands contribution to the EU (proportion- Case Study 8.1 Continued ately the largest of any member state). However, the fear of outsiders and of crime and their feelings of fly in this apparent ointment of liberalism was his increasing alienation from the old political elites; stance on immigration; his policies on race included whether this was true or not, in April 2002 his zero Muslim immigration, a cut in the overall Leefbaar Rotterdam party came from nowhere to annual number of immigrants from 40000 to 10000 win 17 out of 45 seats in the Rotterdam City and better integration of the two million immi- Council elections, ending overnight the ruling grants already on Dutch soil. He was famously Labour party's post-war dominance. quoted as saying, 'Enough is enough, The Following his success in Rotterdam, Professor Pim Netherlands is a small country ... we are already began his campaign for the national elections the overcrowded, there's no more room and we must following month, heading his own List Pim shut the borders'. However, Fortuyn argued that his Fortuyn (LPF) Party. At this stage he was involved apparent far right-wing stance on immigration was, with two main parties, the LPF and the original in fact, just the opposite because he believed that Leefbaar Rotterdam; however, it is doubtful if more Islam undermined the ultra-liberal permissive soci- than a small percentage of Dutch voters actually ety which he cherished. He argued that Islam was a realised this to them l'im was the party. Always out- backward culture, saying, 'In Holland, homosexual- rageous, this man, whose soundbites and ity is treated the same way as heterosexuality. In extravagant lifestyle had always made good media what Islamic country does that happen?' and 'How copy, now became even more so as the press outside can you respect a culture if the woman has to walk the Netherlands began to take notice: headlines several steps behind her husband, has to stay in the such as 'Dutch fall gay Mr Right' and 'The twisty kitchen and keep her mouth shut?' He sought to politics of a far right showman' appeared in the strengthen this liberal view by arguing that he was British broadsheets. Appearing to bask in the light of not against immigrants per se, but he questioned this publicity, Fortuyn became even more dogmatic, their ability to assimilate into a liberal and radically opinionated, provocative and illogical, refusing to tolerant culture: 'My policies are multi-ethnic and elucidate on what were, at best, embryonic policies, certainly not racist ... I want to stop the influx of and, when pressed about his party's apparent lack of new immigrants ... (and give those who are already a clear manifesto, exhorted people to read his many here the opportunity to fully integrate into our soci- books where, it appeared, all was made clear. He ety.' Added weight was given to his argument by the began to hold audiences with the foreign press in appointment of several ethnic candidates including his elegant house in Rotterdam where, amidst Jo Varela from the Cape Verde Islands and modern art and antiques, his butler would serve tea Philomena Bylhout, a television presenter of in bone china cups and interviewers were treated to Surinamese origin. Pim's own particular brand of invective. When Although both the press and the opposition par pressed to provide answers, or when compared to ties had a field day, arguing that his policies were other European far right leaders he would resort to long on thetoric, short on substance and did not angry ranting, banging his fist on the table and stand up to detailed costing, Fortuyn struck a chord threaten to leave the interview (which, of course, he with people in this the most densely populated never did because this man, of all men, knew the country in Europe. 'He says what we've all been power of publicity). In one famous interview with a thinking ... he says what other politicians won't ... Dutch female journalist who continued to press him he understands the concerns of ordinary people for a clear answer to her question, he shouted that were frequently heard comments, especially when it she would be better off leaving her job and 'going came to the issue of increasing street crime: Fortuyn back to cooking' - an ironic twist given his previous was quoted often: 'I'm not anti-Muslim. I'm not comments regarding the lot of Muslim women who anti-immigrant. I'm saying we've got big problems were forced to stay in the kitchen'.... in our cities ... It's not very smart to make the prob Although the world's press seemed to be turning lems bigger by letting in millions more immigrants against him, the controversy, if anything, enhanced from rural Muslim cultures that don't assimilate.' He his reputation and, as Pim's own particular brand of claimed that Islam was a backward culture and that populist politics continued to gain momentum, par Muslims allowed into the Netherlands looked down ticularly amongst the young, his party appeared on the Dutch: 'Moroccan boys never steal from poised to take an unprecedented number of parlia- Moroccans. Have you noticed that?" Critics argued mentary seats - estimates gave the LPF at least 28 that Fortuyn's only appeal was to voters' inherent per cent despite the fact that voters had never heard of the candidates and when they did hear about consensus and tranquillity into one they did not them it was usually in the form of some sort of scan- recognise. dal; they did not appear to care as long as The assassination left the Netherlands in a state of Fortuyn's name headed the list. As a result, the elec- shock - such an event had never, in living history, tion campaign was far more vivid and exciting than happened in this tolerant country. LPF, although now had been seen in Holland for decades, and, when leaderless, gained a massive sympathy vote in the death threats began to be made against him, an election, taking 26 of the 150 seats in parliament and observer could be forgiven for thinking that this was entered into yet another coalition with the Christian- happening in the United States rather than in the Democrat CDA and the conservative VVD parties, politically bland Netherlands. Speaking of the death Although every candidate had been hand-picked by threats, Pim was his usual arrogant self, saying Fortuyn to ensure complete agreement with his poli- there are always death threats against me', adding i cies, not one of them had anything like his stature asked the Prime Minister for protection but he (who could?) and the outcome of the election won't pay. If I die, it is on his head.' Despite the fact resulted in a hard-right party, led by novices who that he said he could not afford the cost of round lacked experience and a common political vision, the-clock protection, this did not prevent him, holding the balance of power - not exactly a recipe however, from using private bodyguards from time for success. Without their charismatic leader to keep to time. them in check and provide direction, LPF resorted to The country was on tenterhooks over the forth- very public squabbling over their struggles to main- coming result, when, on 6 May, just nine days tain any leadership and, after just 87 days, the before the election, Volkert van der Graaf, who saw government was dissolved and new clections called Fortuyn as a 'power-hungry danger to society shot for January 2003 - elections in which, without the him dead leaving a television studio in Hilversum. charismatic Professor Pim, LPF lost two thirds of its That the murderer was a self-styled environmental seats, effectively relegating it permanently to the ist who had previously said that he objected to political wildemess. fishing with worms because it was both cruel to the In the days following Pim's death political pun. worm and the fish, rather than someone from the dits forecast that his charisma and style had Islamic community whom Fortuyn had publicly vill bequeathed a legacy which would change the face fied, was yet another ironic twist in this man's of Dutch politics forever. But had it? Although the larger-than-life existence. The murderer was filmed CDA and VVD once again took the majority of votes by a television crew who happened to be outside in January 2003, they still needed a third party to and the following day pictures on TV and in the form yet another coalition; there then followed newspapers of a bloodied and dying Pim lying pros another five months of political discussion and trate on the ground would, no doubt, have appealed argument with the various minor parties until a new to the politician whose death, mourning and subise government was finally sworn in in May 2003, quent funeral was as public and over the top as his life. Indeed, If accounts are to be believed, it was as orchestrated as his life, since Pim had planned and made arrangements for both the public lying in YOUR TASKS state of his body and the funeral, complete with (a) Using appropriate theoretical concepts to justify white hearse and his dogs. Even Pim, however, your answer, do you consider that Pim Fortuyn would probably have been amazed at the public out was a charismatic leader? pouring of grief where, in scenes reminiscent of the (b) Compare and contrast LPF with other one- death of the late Princess of Wales, his Rotterdam person organisations (e.g. Body Shop, Virgin, house became a shrine for flowers and candles and Microsoft). If these organisations were to lose their Rotterdammers, whether they supported him or not, figurohead, do you think that they would be able took part in all-night vigils to register their anger to continue? Why or why not? and disgust at Holland's sudden fall from a land of