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Pakistan is considered to be one of the most corrupt countries in the world. Table 5 gives Pakistans rankings according to the now well-known Transparency International Index. The data presented in Table 5 are based on the perceptions of foreign businessmen. There are also some methodological weaknesses in the sampling procedures. But combined with anecdotal evidence and published information about specific cases, it offers a fair proxy of the degree of corruption prevalent in the country. The figures show a little improvement since 1996, particularly in score. In that year, Transparency International ranked Pakistan as the second most corrupt among the 53 countries examined, second only to Nigeria. This was during Ms Bhuttos second term when her first husband, Mr Zardari, was promoted by the local press from Mr 10 percent to Mr 20 percent. Corruption skews priorities, reduces allocative efficiency, compromises the quality of programs, undermines accountability and reduces transparency. Corruption in the police and the judiciary particularly leads to gross injustice and violation of human rights. A World Bank official points out that the Pakistans GDP per capita would be significantly higher if corruption were to be reduced.56 Pakistani cultures collectivist orientation, analyzed earlier, is perhaps a major contributor to the pervasive corruption. Saving the family honor and enhancing the family status takes precedence over rational norms. Supporting the family members through thick and thin is a primordial obligation. Families often become the source or the motive for corruption at all levels of administration. Immediate and extended families of the political leaders and senior bureaucrats are invariably involved in the sifarish game, rule-breaking, corruption and shady wheeling and dealing. President Ayubs sons became notorious for receiving government largesse. The Ayub family wealth was estimated to be US$1020 million in 1969.57 One of his sons and his father-in-law built an industrial empire during the Presidents tenure. Asif Zardari, Benazir Bhuttos husband, popularly known as Mr 10 percent during her first government and promoted to Mr 20 percent during her second tenure, spent US$1.3 million of public money on a stable and exercise grounds for his polo ponies. He was accused of receiving kickbacks for defense contracts, power projects, the privatization of public enterprises, broadcast licences and the purchase of planes for Pakistan International Airlines.58 More recently, Benazir Bhutto was convicted for accepting kickbacks worth US$12 million from Societ Genrale Suisse (SGS) in Switzerland. Prime Minister Sharifs family was alleged to have amassed millions of pounds in offshore accounts and London properties.

Conclusions

Pakistans collectivist orientation and its kinship-based institutions go a long way in explaining the prevalence of nepotism and relative lack of adherence to any universal rules or laws. Pakistani traditions of tolerance of inequality and high power distance inhibit the development of transparency and institutions of accountability. Power is allowed to be concentrated at higher levels, thus bestowing a lot of discretionary power on senior officials and politicians. Discretionary power without adequate accountability is a great temptation to misuse public power for private purposes. The Pakistani societys propensity toward high uncertainty avoidance leads to the creation of elaborate rules and procedures. Applying these rules to individual cases and their interpretation is another source of discretionary powers. In a society where the universal application of rules is anathema, selective application of rules leads not only to injustice but also to corruption and nepotism. Pakistans masculine culture emphasizes gender differentiation of roles, acquisitiveness, power, status and aggressiveness. These values tend to contribute to gender inequality, corruption and misuse of power. Pakistans current military regime has undertaken a massive program of devo-lution, administrative reform and accountability. Some of the structural changes if implemented effectively will go a long way to address the problem of corruption. The institutional change, however, takes root very slowly particularly when a change in attitudes, values and norms is involved.